Peter Erlinder Jailed by One of the Major Genocidaires of Our Era

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The May 28 arrest of the U.S. attorney Peter Erlinder by the Paul Kagame dictatorship in Rwanda reveals much about this regime that is routinely sanitized in establishment U.S. and Western intellectual life and media coverage.  But if we use Erlinder’s arrest to call attention to some less well-known facts, a much grimmer scenario about Kagame than as a “man of the hour in modern Africa,” who “offers such encouraging hope for the continent’s future” (Stephen Kinzer),2 comes to light.

For one thing, Kagame does not like free elections, and he has avoided or emasculated them assiduously.  Erlinder arrived in Kigali on May 23 to take up the legal representation of Victoire Ingabire, a Hutu expatriate who had spent the past 16 years in the Netherlands, but who immediately upon her return to Rwanda in January was regarded as the leading opposition figure, though her United Democratic Forces hadn’t been able to register as an official party.  The Kagame regime arrested her on April 21, and charged her with “association with a terrorist group; propagating genocide ideology; negationism and ethnic divisionism.”3  As 2010 is an election year in Rwanda (now scheduled for August 9), this should help Kagame once again to avoid any meaningful electoral contest.

In 2003, Rwanda’s last election year, opposition parties, candidates, and media not only weren’t welcomed, they wound up harassed, shut-down, arrested, exiled, and disappeared.  In 2002, Kagame’s main rival at the time, a Hutu and former President Pasteur Bizimungu, was arrested and charged with “divisionism,” a kind of Kagame-speak that means to provide political choices other than the one-party Kagame dictatorship.  In 2003, the Hutu former Prime Minister Faustin Twagiramungu was permitted onto the presidential ballot but prevented from campaigning, and his Democratic Republic Movement (MDR) banned altogether; he and his MDR were also accused of “divisionism.”

The official August 25 presidential vote that year reported 94% for Kagame.  In a country whose population then, as now, as at the start of 1994, was majority Hutu by roughly a 6-to-1 margin over the Tutsi, only Kagame’s intimidation and repression of Rwanda’s civil society, and his election-rigging, could have produced a result like this.  Thus when Peter Erlinder spoke in late April about the arrest of Victoire Ingabire as a “carbon-copy of Kagame’s tactics in 2003, when all serious political challengers were jailed or driven from the country,” and when he likened the charges against her (and now against himself as well) to “trumped-up political thought-crimes . . . arising from the ‘crime’ of publicly objecting to the Kagame military dictatorship and Kagame’s version of Rwandan civil war history,”4 this was what he meant.

The Arusha Accords of August 1993 had stipulated that national elections be held in Rwanda by no later than 1995, but this was precluded by the military takeover of Rwanda by Kagame and his Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in April-July 1994, which allowed the minority Tutsi faction (less than 15 percent) to seize power by force.

The allegation of “genocide denial” has been an important instrument of Kagame’s rule, with potentially rival politicians, or in fact any Kagame target, so accused and pushed out of the way.  According to news accounts during the first 24 hours after his arrest, Erlinder, a lead defense counsel before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and a former president of the National Lawyers Guild in New York, “is being charged with denying the Rwandan genocide and was being interrogated . . . at police headquarters in the capital, Kigali. . . .  A police spokesman, Eric Kayingare, said that Mr. Erlinder was accused of ‘denying the genocide’ and ‘negationism’ from statements he had made at the tribunal in Arusha, as well as ‘in his books, in publications’.”5  Martin Ngoga, the Prosecutor General of the Kagame regime, told Agence France Presse that Erlinder “denies the genocide in his writings and his speeches.  Worse than that, he has become an organizer of genocide deniers.  If negating [the Tutsi genocide] is not punished in [the United States,] it is punished in Rwanda.  And when he came here he knew that.”6

Under Rwanda’s 2003 Constitution,7 the “State of Rwanda commits itself to conform to the following fundamental principles and to promote and enforce the respect thereof,” foremost of which is “fighting the ideology of genocide and all its manifestations” (Article 9).  “Revisionism, negationism and trivialisation of genocide are punishable by the law” (Article 13).  The Rwandan State is so conscious of the political usefulness of “genocide” that its Constitution even creates a National Commission For the Fight Against Genocide (Article 179).

Of course, this is straight out of Kafka, as a compelling case can be made that Kagame and his RPF were the major genocidaires in Rwanda and, in alliance with Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni dictatorship, both under U.S. and U.K. protection, have extended and enlarged their genocidal operations to the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo.  Peter Erlinder has never denied the fact that mass-atrocity crimes and even genocide were committed in Rwanda, much less that a large number of Tutsi were slaughtered.  But he has shown, with carefully gathered documentary evidence, that an even larger number of Hutu were also slaughtered there, and that Kagame and the RPF were the initiators and main perpetrators of these mass killings.  This, ultimately, is what the charge of “denying the genocide” really means: Like a growing body of researchers, Erlinder rejects the version of the “Rwandan genocide” long since institutionalized within U.S.-, Western-, and RPF-establishment circles.

One of Erlinder’s notable documentary discoveries is an internal memorandum drafted in September 1994 for the eyes of then-U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher, in which it was reported that a UN team on the ground in Rwanda “concluded that a pattern of killing had emerged” there, the “[RPF] and Tutsi civilian surrogates [killing] 10,000 or more Hutu civilians per month, with the [RPF] accounting for 95% of the killing.”  This memorandum added that the UN team “speculated that the purpose of the killing was a campaign of ethnic cleansing intended to clear certain areas in the south of Rwanda for Tutsi habitation.  The killings also served to reduce the population of Hutu males and discouraged refugees from returning to claim their lands.”8

We may recall that the reported (but contested9) massacre of 8,000 military-aged men at Srebrenica in July 1995 led to genocide charges, imprisonment of many Serb officials and military personnel, and huge indignation in the West.  Yet, here is an internal U.S. document alleging “10,000 or more Hutu civilians” butchered per month by Kagame’s forces to cleanse the ground for Tutsi resettlement — and not only is the leading butcher not imprisoned, but his regime continues to bathe in Western support and adulation, and can get away with charging the man who helped expose his crimes with “genocide denial”!

Consider also the five following material facts:

1. The “triggering event” in the mass killings known as the “Rwandan genocide” was the shooting down of the Falcon-50 jet carrying then-Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana, then-Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira, and ten others on its approach to the Kanombe International Airport in Kigali on the evening of April 6, 1994.  It is now conclusively established that these political assassinations were carried out by Kagame’s forces.  When ICTR investigator Michael Hourigan had assembled compelling evidence showing this, then-ICTR Chief Prosecutor Louise Arbour quashed his investigation on orders from U.S. officials.  This official line of inquiry has been suppressed ever since, though it was amplified and confirmed by the French magistrate Jean-Louis Bruguière, whose own inquiry concluded in late 2006 that Kagame and the RPF, fully aware that they would lose the elections scheduled by the Arusha Accords due to the overwhelming majority enjoyed by the Hutu in the country, opted for the “physical elimination” of Habyarimana and reopening their assault on the Rwandan government to achieve their goal of an RPF-takeover of the country.10  Although three consecutive U.S. presidential administrations (Clinton’s, Bush’s, and Obama’s) and the establishment U.S. media have been wonderfully cooperative in keeping crucial evidence such as this on the “genocide” out of public sight, the work of Peter Erlinder and his colleagues has been important in the struggle to counter the Western party-line.

2. The important U.S. analysts Christian Davenport and Allan Stam also concluded that more Hutu than Tutsi were killed during the period of the “Rwandan genocide” (April-July, 1994), and that killings on the ground in Rwanda actually “surged” in each area attacked by Kagame’s RPF.11

3. Allan Stam, a former Special Forces soldier as well as an academician, has pointed out that the Kagame-RFP military offensive following the “triggering event” of the “Rwandan genocide” (i.e., the shootdown of the Falcon-50 jet) were closely modeled on the U.S. ground invasion of Iraq during the first Gulf War, and that Kagame’s forces went into mass action within one hour of this event.12  (Kagame actually studied at Fort Leavenworth in the United States, and was apparently a quick learner.)

4. Both before and during the “Rwandan genocide,” the United States pressed for the reduction of UN troops in Rwanda.  The Rwandan government urged more UN troops,13 but the presence of a larger contingent of UN troops on the ground clearly would have interfered with Kagame’s well-planned and executed military operations.  This points up the likelihood that any pre-planned, organized mass killings were dominated by Kagame’s RPF, and that the U.S. government supported it.

5. Kagame’s forces established control of Rwanda within one hundred days of the triggering event.  This is not consistent with the notion that his was an unplanned defensive reaction and that his ethnic group, the minority Tutsi, was the main victim.

Paul Kagame has used the excuse of pursuing “genocidaires” to justify his regular invasions of the Congo.  The casualties in these operations, coordinated with fellow dictator Yoweri Museveni, have run into the millions.  We believe that Kagame has far outstripped Idi Amin as a mass killer (Amin’s killings are estimated at 100,000-300,000, whereas Kagame’s surely run well over a million civilians).  But Kagame is servicing establishment U.S. and Western interests, and for the past 20 years has therefore received a free pass to rob and kill.

And all the while, Kagame has ridden the wave of fighting against “genocide denial”!  Hopefully, he has gone too far in using that Kafkaesque gimmick against Peter Erlinder, a notable fighter against both actual genocide and genocide denial.


1  For a much more comprehensive development of the themes discussed here, see Edward S. Herman and David Peterson, “Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo in the Propaganda System,” Monthly Review 60, May, 2010.  Also see Herman and Peterson, The Politics of Genocide (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2010).

2  Quoting Kinzer’s hagiographic words in A Thousand Hills: Rwanda’s Rebirth and the Man Who Dreamed It (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2008), 337.

3  “Rwanda Opposition Chief Held for ‘Genocide Denial’,” Agence France Presse, April 21, 2010.

4  Peter Erlinder quoted in “U.S. Lawyer to Defend Victoire Ingabire: First Female Presidential Candidate in Rwanda — Jailed by President/Gen. Paul Kagame,” News Advisory, International Humanitarian Law Institute, April 23, 2010 (as posted to the BayView website).

5  Josh Kron and Jeffrey Gettleman, “American Lawyer for Opposition Figure Is Arrested in Rwanda,” New York Times, May 29, 2010.

6  “Rwanda Arrests U.S. Lawyer Defending Opposition Figure,” Agence France Presse, May 28, 2010.

7  See Constitution of the Republic of Rwanda, June 4, 2003, and its Amendments, as posted to the website of the Rwandan Ministry of Defense.  Here we note that the word ‘genocide’ appears no fewer than 14 different times in Rwanda’s approx. 16,400-word-long Constitution.

8  George E. Moose, “Human Rights Abuses in Rwanda,” Information Memorandum to The Secretary, U.S. Department of State, undated though clearly drafted between September 17 and 20, 1994.  This document is archived at the Rwanda Documents Project at William Mitchell College of Law, St. Paul, Minnesota, ICTR Military-1 Exhibit, DNT 264.

9  See Edward S. Herman and David Peterson, “The Dismantling of Yugoslavia,” Monthly Review 59, October, 2007, esp. Sect. 5 and Sect. 6, 19-26. 

10  See Jean-Louis Bruguière, Request for the Issuance of International Arrest Warrants, Tribunal de Grande Instance, Paris, France, November 21, 2006, 15-16 (para. 100-103).

11  See Christian Davenport and Allan Stam, Rwandan Political Violence in Space and Time, unpublished manuscript, 2004 (available at Christian Davenport’s personal website > “Project Writings”); and Christian Davenport and Allan C. Stam, “What Really Happened in Rwanda?” Miller-McCune, October 6, 2009.

12  See Allan C. Stam, “Coming to a New Understanding of the Rwanda Genocide,” a lecture before the Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy, University of Michigan, February 18, 2009.  Beginning at approx. the 22:47 mark, Stam explains: “Now, moments later, the RPF — literally moments, somewhere between 60 and 120 minutes after his plane is shot down, the RPF invades.  Now, we could characterize this invasion as, ‘Wow, a spontaneous reaction to go in and defend our allies’.  The problem is, this invasion looks staggeringly like the United States’ invasion of Iraq in 1991.  It has exactly the same features.  There is a central drive in this case due south towards Kigali, very much like the central drive towards Baghdad.  There is the sweeping left-hook — but in this case because the map is reversed there is the sweeping right-hook.  This is a plan that was not worked out on the back of an envelope.  Fifty-thousand soldiers move into action on two fronts, in a coordinated fashion, ‘spontaneously’?  Tsk.”

13  In the words of Rwandan UN Ambassador Jean-Damascène Bizimana: “[T]he international community does not seem to have acted in an appropriate manner to reply to the anguished appeal of the people of Rwanda.  This question has often been examined from the point of view of the ways and means to withdraw [UNAMIR], without seeking to give the appropriate weight to the concern of those who have always believed, rightly, that, in view of the security situation now prevailing in Rwanda, UNAMIR’s members should be increased to enable it to contribute to the re-establishment of the cease-fire and to assist in the establishment of security conditions that could bring an end to the violence. . . .  The option chosen by the Council, reducing the number of troops in UNAMIR. . . , is not a proper response to this crisis. . . .”  See “The situation concerning Rwanda,” UN Security Council (S/PV.3368), April 21, 1994, 6.

Edward S. Herman is professor emeritus of finance at the Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania and has written extensively on economics, political economy, and the media. Among his books are Corporate Control, Corporate Power (Cambridge University Press, 1981), The Real Terror Network (South End Press, 1982), and, with Noam Chomsky, The Political Economy of Human Rights (South End Press, 1979), and Manufacturing Consent (Pantheon, 2002).  David Peterson is an independent journalist and researcher based in Chicago.  Herman and Peterson are co-authors of The Politics of Genocide (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2010).StatCounter - Free Web Tracker and Counter

9 responses to “Peter Erlinder Jailed by One of the Major Genocidaires of Our Era

  1. There is an entire UN institution, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) devoted to examining what took place in Rwanda in 1994. While all agree that Hutus were killed during that period, particularly those considered to be opponents of the MRND government at the time, it is sheer insanity to suggest that more Hutus were killed than Tutsis. This is a fantastical, and supported, misrepresentation of what took place at the time

    • Carolynbuff,

      Thanks for your comments. I wouldn’t say that they are “devoted” to examine what took place. I would rather say that the ICTR was intended to examine what took place. Instead, they have used the court to advance the RPF and Paul kagame’s politics. A growing number of research is showing itself to be more credible than the UN ICTR. That research is also showing more and more evidence of Paul Kagame and the RPF’s involvement in the Rwandan genocide. By the way, what do you think about the 5 million innocent civilians that were killed in Congo since Rwanda’s invasion in 1996? Do you still have doubts that Kagame is the biggest killer of our times?

  2. Peter Erlinder Jailed by One of the Major Genocidaires of Our Era

    The writer of this article shows a very good understanding of Rwanda genocide. Rwandan people are tired with Kagame terrible dictatorship. Rwandan people find North Korea and Burma regime better than Kagame regime.
    The big issue is to be governed by someone like Kagame who has massacred so many innocent people inside and outside Rwanda such as Congo and Uganda.

    He (Kagame)has taken Rwandese people hostage. It is easier to enter Rwanda but it is very hard to get out of Rwanda . The whole country looks like a prison.
    He has taken some media and westerns government officials hostage: By ignorance or supporting Kagame, some media have been writting positively a lot about him because they may be knew little about his his involvement in Rwanda genocide or because they chose to support him regardless what he was doing (killings) . Now as the truth goes out, the same media have difficulties to change their mind in order to write the truth about this terror and dictator, Paul Kagame.

    Some western officials, who have been supporting and praising kagame, have been taken hostage of they wrote and said. Some still support him because they have no idea on how they can write differently after selling many books and articles.

    About Professor Erlinder incarceration, the USA government should get involved as soon as possible because Professor Erlinder is 100% innocent. This shows again the nature of the police-state regime of Kagame.

  3. For some additional analysis of the standard model of the “Rwandan genocide” as well as the ICTR (what Carolynbuff refers to as a “UN institution…devoted to examining what took place in Rwanda in 1994” [sic]), see Edward S. Herman and David Peterson, , “Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo in the Propaganda System” (Monthly Review, May, 2010, ).

    For an impressive array of evidence in support of Peter Erlinder’s critique of the same, see the many papers produced for the November 2009 conference in The Hague, “ICTR Legacy from the Defense Perspective” ( ).

    This collection includes one very good paper by Peter Erlinder himself (“Preventing the Falsification of History: An Unintended Consequence of ICTR Disclosure Requirements,” ).

    David Peterson
    Chicago, USA

  4. It is clear, from reading Erlinder’s article linked to by the last commenter, that he is a total nut, and, like most conspiracy-theory proponents, he has very little understanding of how governments, international negotiations, or even tribunals work. To add insult to injury, he uses his experience as a defense attorney to twist definitions around to note such “facts” as the leading Tutsi commanders were not guilty of genocide, when all that was concluded was that they could not be found guilty beyond a reasonable doubt, and we all know how easy it is to throw doubt around, like he’s continuing to do now. And how is there a cover-up of evidence or of a US-Kagame connection, when he’s showing it to all of us? Please.

    It is meaningless to try to compare number of Hutus and Tutsis slaughtered, since it is clear that moderate Hutus, or those who did not want to participate in mass-killing of their fellow citizens, were killed by the main perpetrators of the intiial waves of violence; it is natural that once the violence had begun, the blood-lust of revenge likely sank in among Tutsi rebels, and, moreover, as admitted, the population ratio was overwhelming.

    I’m not about to say that Kagame and some of his compatriots are not war criminals themselves (I believe they are–two wrongs do not make a right), and I think it is clear he DID use the genocide to take power, was barbaric vis-a-vis control of the refugee camps, and has since been very undemocratic in his actions, but it is ridiculous to imply that the main genocide was started by him or his forces, that his forces did more killing during that period than Hutus of Tutsis. As for a US coverup, there is no way that such acts could hide for this long. There are simply too many people of different political persuasions in too many positions. Back in the 1950s, maybe; not now.

    And, though I personally don’t like it, the investigations were brought to an end because it was mutually decided, for long-term peace, as some found in other locations, like Cambodia and El Salvador, that relying more upon truthfinding than criminal prosecution (except of the most extreme examples) was more beneficial to lasting peace than any form of “justice.” This was not the US & UK “quashing” anything for their “friend” Kagame. They just wanted the cycle of fighting to stop.

    Yes, Kagame is a total hypocrite in hiding behind prosecution of genocide denial. However, this article, and that of Erlinder’s seems to imply that Kagame is the only real criminal and that looking at Hutu perpetration of genocide is a red herring. So I feel that both authors ARE skirting the line of BEING genocide deniers. These are, in fact, the same kind of arguments that are made by Holocaust denier David Irving, some of Pol Pot’s lieutenants in Cambodia, and many Serbian defenders of Serbian irregular forces in Bosnia. Make accusations of other mass murders all you want, present your case, and hope the right people listen and those killers are made to account for their actions and decisions. But do not use that to deflect attention from the main culprits of violence.

    Finally, there ARE no “Western establishmetn interests” in Rwanda, so how Kagame is serving them I have no idea.

    In addition to a long-time student of the management of peacekeeping operations and the maintenance of international regulatory regimes, I have also researched political oversight of the CIA.

  5. Basically, what I’m saying is, is that it just seems silly that your defense of Erlinder as a holocaust denier amounts to little more than, “No, YOU are!” Which is a rather circular argument, is it not?

    That being said, if Erlinder is convicted and imprisoned, it would be a travesty, and definitely show the Obama administration that Kagame’s regime is not a democracy in any real sense of the word.

    • Karl Irving,

      Thank you for your comment. I think your question of Western Establishment can be answered by research into the Congo and Rwanda’s role.

      As for the part about denying the genocide, I think the issue is a disagreement in how it all played out. Erlinder is being jailed for daring to point out Kagame’s massacres and his role in the Rwandan genocide in 1994. The evidence to back up Erlinder’s claims can be found in official US and UN documents found at but if you have already been there, no need to return. That site speaks exactly to the point you made that it cannot be hidden for this long. It isn’t hidden anymore. People just haven’t gotten around to exploring everything that is available. I also know that it is extremely difficult and stressful to accept anything different from the official story we have heard for the better part of the last 2 decades.

      As for the story of the Rwandan genocide, the dust has not settled. There is a reason why Kagame always wants to push and lead the investigations. Be it for the Rwandan justice system, be it for the prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Arusha. You may know about instances where witnesses were stopped from going, and at times Rwanda stopped investigations or cooperating with the court when they were unhappy with how the investigations were going. There is a good reason why he wants it all hidden.

      Your claims of Kagame’s crimes will make you genocide denier in Rwanda as well. See Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza for instance who stated and continues to state explicitly that there was genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994. But because she also talks about massacres by the RPF/A (Kagame’s forces), she is accused of denying genocide. There is also Deo Mushayidi a Tutsi genocide survivor. His whole family was exterminated during the genocide. But because he openly talks about Kagame’s crimes and is a political opponent, he is in jail for genocide denial, genocide denial, etc. Put simply, disagreeing with the Rwandan government makes one a genocide denier in Rwanda.

      Based on past cases, your writing here would qualify you as a denier. Just to set the record straight, I don’t think you are denying the genocide.

      As for the circular argument, I do know that Tutsis were targeted by the extremist Hutus in 1994. I also know that the leader of the militia that hunted Tutsis was a Tutsi man himself, Robert Kajuga. With that knowledge, I don’t believe that the full story of the genocide has been completely told.

  6. Christopher Black

    Carolyn Buff and Karl Irving speak from a vast prejudice and complete ignorance of the facts.

    The overwhelming evidence at the ICTR trials is that the Rwandan government did not commit genocide against the Tutsi population but the Tutsi RPF led by Paul Kagame did commit genocide against the Hutu population and murdered any Tutsis not considered pure enough.

    The Ugandan Army, of which the RPF was a part, attacked Rwanda in 1990 with US backing and commenced a slaughter of Hutus that did not stop even until today. They broke every ceasefire, murdered anyone who opposed them, and then on April 6 1994 murdered the two Hutu presidents of Rwanda and Burundi, the Hutu army chief of staff and launched their final offensive in which, according to RPF officers who have testified at the ICTR, killed up to two million Hutus. Yes, Hutus, pursued by the RPF, retaliated against local Tutsis they thought were working with the RPF forces. Yes, many innocent Tutsis were killed. But the responsibility for that lies with the RPF who massacred their way through Rwanda to power.

    The Rwandan government was a coalition government composed of Tutsis and Hutus and even included the RPF. But the RPF did not want elections as they could never win them so decided to attack and take power by force of arms. The Rwandan armed forces were a mixed Hutu and Tutsi force and the Tutsi officers and men fought alongside their Hutu comrades against the RPF and stayed with them even on their retreat into Zaire. This was not an ethnic war. It was a war for power by one group of foreign invaders from Uganda.

    The skulls on display at Gisozi are not Tutsis killed in Kigali as the evidence is clear that the majority of Tutsis in Kigali survived the war. There were only 40,000 Tutsis in Kigali. Yet the RPF display 250,000 skulls of people they say were killed in Kigali. Yes, they were killed in Kigali, by the RPF after they took the city and they are all Hutus.

    People who are ignorant of the facts have no right to attack others who have the facts. If you want the facts read the transcripts from the trials at the ICTR and you will learn how the UN forces under General Dallaire’s command helped the RPF murder the Hutu president and supported the RPF offensive instead of staying neutral as they were supposed to do, how the RPF infiltrated their men onto civilian roadblocks to kill Hutus and Tutsis to then blame the government forces and discredit them, how UN officers gave interahamwe, who were working for the RPF, machine guns and bullet proof vests to do their dirty work, how the American army and air force fought alongside the RPF and parachuted men and equipment to the RPF putting the lie to Clinton’s claim that the US stood by and did nothing, how the RPF systematically ethnically cleansed each province of Rwanda when they drove out the Rwandan government forces an action that Robert Gersony, of USAID, stated in his report, was genocide against the Hutus.

    Karl Irving and Carloyn Buff are typical of those people who read a newspaper and think they know something, who read the RPF-US propaganda and believe it and who blindly, through their ignorance support a murderous military junta in Rwanda that has now returned the Hutu majority to the serfdom they suffered under the Tutsis monarchy until the social revolution of 1959.

    Their moral outrage at Peter Erlinder’s attempts to merely tell people about the evidence at the ICTR trials, as many of us have done, rings more than a little hollow in the face of such stupefying ignorance and callousness towards the people of Rwanda.

    Christopher Black
    Lead Counsel,
    International War Crimes Tribunal For Rwanda

    • Christopher Black,

      Thank you for your comment. I am affraid that some of the claims you make are off the mark. I will get back to discuss in detail.

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